“Endless Weeks of False Hope and Promises,” As Jobless Workers Grow Desperate Without Unemployment Benefits

June 18, 2014

A fellow District of Columbia resident writes, “Where to start … the abrupt termination of emergency benefits, or the endless weeks of false hope and promises.

“I have no money to get to interviews…. I also have no money for phone, no money to even keep up my personal hygiene. For over 11 years, I was steadily employed at $40K-$55K, and now I’m soon to be homeless.”

This is one of well over 2,000 stories that struggling jobless workers have shared with the Center for Effective Government.

They speak of selling belongings, including a wedding ring. They speak of living without hot water, having electricity, phone service and/or internet connections cut off — of actually becoming homeless.

And they speak of ongoing, frustrating efforts to find employment — any job at all, some say, though like my fellow District resident, many used to earn a comfortable living.

Meanwhile, House Speaker John Boehner has run the clock out on the stop-gap bill to renew Emergency Unemployment Compensation that the Senate passed in early April.

The bill covered five months of EUC benefits, back-dated to when they expired at the end of last year. So the benefits it provided would have ended more than three weeks ago.

Supporters had hoped that the bill would buy time for negotiations on a further extension. Surely justified. Notwithstanding newsworthy job growth, there are still nearly 3.4 million people who’ve been job-seeking for more than 27 weeks.

Only two state unemployment insurance programs provide benefits for this long — and none for much longer.

So at this point, more than 3 million have lost their unemployment benefits since EUC expired, as the counter House Ways and Means Democrats have posted. Look at the numbers roll — about one more worker cut off every 8 seconds, 72,000 or so a week.

Well, I don’t suppose I need to convince you of the mounting crisis — not only for jobless workers themselves, but for their families.

The question is, what will convince Speaker Boehner to let the House vote on an EUC bill? Not apparently some bipartisan job-creating measures to go with it, since he shrugged off the Secretary of Labor’s invitation to discuss what those might be.

The campaign I wrote about earlier hasn’t let up. We’ve been tweeting House Republicans weekly, urging them to tell their leader it’s time — past time actually — for a vote.

Not only the Center for Effective Government, but House Ways and Means Democrats have been collecting stories — many begging Congress for help.

Last Wednesday marked a new phase in the campaign — the first of what will be seven weekly events on the grassy triangle in front of the House side of the Capitol.

Witness Wednesdays they’re called because they center on readings of stories collected — all participants bearing witness to the suffering of our fellow Americans, who, as one of them says, are “swimming as hard as … [they] can, yet … still drowning.”

I joined the crowd for the first event. It was a heart-wrenching — and at the same time, rousing — experience, as you can see.

Thankfully, the organizers and the many other groups supporting the cause aren’t counting on touching Boehner’s heart — or if you prefer, pricking his conscience. Nor, I think, are they counting on pressure from his colleagues to get a standalone bill on the floor.

We perhaps see a glimpse of the Democrats’ strategy in a recent donnybrook in the Senate. Senator Jack Reed, who’d partnered with Senator Dean Heller to negotiate the five-month EUC bill, planned to attach a year-long renewal to the bill extending expiring tax breaks.

Republicans blocked a substantive vote on the bill because House Majority Leader Harry Reid wouldn’t allow them to add amendments.

But the tax extender bill is one of those so-called must-pass pieces of legislation. And there are others — a bill of some sort to avert a government shutdown at the end of the fiscal year, for example, and another to keep funds flowing to road and public transit projects.

So we may see an EUC extension after all. Senators Reed and Heller are reportedly working on a new bill — this time, prospective only. No compensation for benefits already lost, though that might avert some further emergencies.

The challenge again is to find an offset that would satisfy most Democrats and enough Republicans to get the bill — or amendment — passed.

Because we know that Senate Republicans, as well as their House counterparts, will insist the benefits be fully paid for though they’re willing enough to extend tax breaks with no offset whatever.

Meanwhile, the clock is ticking — and the number of jobless workers with no source of cash income rising. Members of Congress will go home in about six weeks and stay there until after Labor Day.

So even if EUC is ultimately resurrected, jobless workers who’ve already said they’re facing foreclosure or eviction may be homeless. And who knows how many more will find their job searches frustrated because they can’t afford gas or public transportation to get to interviews?

This is all so pathetically unnecessary. No wonder that two-thirds of American voters have a higher opinion of lice than of Congress.


How Much Longer Before Emergency Unemployment Is Extended?

April 3, 2014

The tool I use for this blog tells me, among other things, the search terms that brought people to my posts. One last week was so sad. “How much longer before emergency unemployment is extended.”

Sad because I suspect the query writer had a personal interest. Sadder because I haven’t the foggiest — and no one else does either. Saddest because I’m not sure Emergency Unemployment Compensation will be extended.

On the upside of this ongoing saga, the bipartisan Senate group agreed on some improvements to the bill I last wrote about. And the Senate will pass the bill today — perhaps before you read this — since six Republicans joined all Democrats in agreeing on the motion to vote.

On the downside, we’ve no evidence that House Speaker John Boehner will permit a vote on the bill. And he’s seized on a new reason, though it’s obvious any reason would do.

What the Senate Passed

Like the previous version, the final Senate bill renews EUC for five months, back-dated to the time it expired.

Unlike the previous version, the offsets no longer include any erosion in SSI (Supplemental Security Income) benefits. We’ve instead got another of those pension accounting devices — perhaps not the most fiscally responsible pay-for, but it gets the job done without hurting anybody.

A provision that required agencies to assess the reasons a jobless worker was still unemployed is gone — perhaps because negotiators realized how absurd it was at a time when there are only 40% as many job openings and people looking.

Also gone is a related provision requiring agencies to develop specific action plans for all EUC recipients — a daunting task for agencies that have been under-funded for a long time and will have extra work due to the benefits lapse.

Some other provisions related to “work suitability,” job searches and the like have been replaced by a benign mandate for a Government Accountability Office study.

But the ban on federally-funded unemployment benefits for millionaires and billionaires is still there — one of those cheap political gestures, like the ban on food stamps for lottery winners. A small price to pay, I suppose, but a bad precedent for a social insurance program.

Over in the House

As I’ve written before, Speaker Boehner has drawn a line in the sand. A bill to renew EUC must not only be paid for, but paired with other measures that “will get our economy moving again.”

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office earlier concluded that a year-long EUC extension would boost the economy and create as many as 300,000 jobs. But that apparently won’t do.

What would do isn’t clear. Boehner is still just saying he’s got to see something that “would help the economy and help people get back to work.”

He has, however, made occasional references to “dozens of bills” House Republicans have passed, e.g. to hamstring the regulatory agencies, block grant (and freeze funding for) job training programs and, needless to say, repeal the Affordable Care Act.

He now has a new arrow in his quiver, thanks to what seems to have been an ill-advised letter from the National Association of State Workforce Agencies. Giving the organization the benefit of the doubt here, since anyone with a grain of political sense would have known how the letter would be used.

Briefly, NASWA cites administrative challenges that could lead to delays in implementing the EUC renewal legislation, along with a potential for some overpayments.

No one, to my knowledge, has said it would be quick and easy, though it surely would have been if Republicans had quickly agreed to support a renewal.

Yet state agencies have successfully implemented retroactive extensions before. The Secretary of Labor cites twelve, including some with changes that “were as or more complex than those included in the current bill.”

And unless I’m mistaken, the final version of the bill addresses some of the specific concerns the state agencies raised — notably how to deal with the millionaire ban.

Boehner nevertheless insists that the bill is “unworkable,” citing the NASWA letter. The president of the association asserts that the letter didn’t “label” the bill that way — suggesting, at least to me, some second thoughts on the advisability of sending it at all.

The plain truth is that it doesn’t matter. Senator Dean Heller, a lead Republican on the bipartisan team, rightly observes that “no matter what solution is reached, there is some excuse to deny these much-needed benefits.”

So if it isn’t one thing, it will be another — unless and until something happens to persuade enough House Republicans that denying a lifeline to long-term jobless workers and their families is no way to show that the party care about everyday folks.

The stalemate — overcome in the Senate, but not the House — has thus far harmed well over 3.4 million jobless workers. An additional 72,000 join their ranks every week. Their poverty rate nearly doubles.

How much longer will this go on?

UPDATE: Prognosticators, including me, were wrong. The Senate vote on the EUC bill has been postponed until Monday.

 

 


Next Round in Battle to Renew Long-Term Unemployment Benefits

March 10, 2014

Last Friday, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported a sharp increase in the number of long-term jobless workers — 203,000 more who’d been unemployed and actively looking than in January.

This brought the average number of weeks jobless workers had been looking up to 37.1 — about 11 weeks more than most state unemployment insurance programs cover.

At least two million jobless workers have no UI benefits now, but would if Congress renewed Emergency Unemployment Compensation — and back-dated it to the end of December, when the program expired.

As I’m sure you know, Senate Democrats have been trying to pass an EUC extension since mid-December. Republicans haven’t delivered the five votes needed for the Senate to vote on the extension itself.

The ostensible hang-up is the offset, i.e., the source or sources of funds that would keep the extension from adding to the near-term deficit. But some of the potentially persuadable Republicans have further complicated matters by insisting on amendments to reform UI.

And as if that weren’t enough, they wanted the package to include a repeal of the temporary, modified cost-of-living adjustment for military pensions that was part of the December budget deal.

Well, the Senate took care of the repeal in mid-February, using a pay-for Republicans wouldn’t accept for the EUC extension. Now it’s going back to EUC again.

Majority Leader Harry Reid is calling for a six-month extension — five months shorter than the paid-for version he’d earlier proposed. He’d use savings already achieved in the new Farm Bill as the offset. Politico reports the cost at about $12 billion. That would leave about $11 billion for deficit reduction.

Seven Republicans have countered with a five-month extension. They’ve got an altogether different pay-for. And they fold in program “improvements,” including one that has little or nothing to do with unemployment compensation.

Too much to cram into one post. So I’ll deal with the pay-for here. As you’ll see, the Gang of Seven seems to have moved toward the Democratic majority. This, alas, is not an altogether good thing.

The pay-for has three parts. The first would extend so-called pension smoothing provisions that Congress earlier used to help pay for the highway bill.

Basically, pension smoothing allows employers to temporarily reduce their contributions to employee pension plans. This raises revenues for awhile because the contributions are tax-deductible.

But it then loses revenues because employers have to make up what they didn’t contribute earlier. The losses, however, fall outside the 10-year period used to estimate what federal laws will cost.

In short, it’s what the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities calls a “timing gimmick.” It also, as the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget says, raises the risk that pension funds will need a bailout, thus further increasing federal costs.

Senate Republicans shot down pension smoothing when Reid tried to use it for a three-month EUC extension — or at any rate, they blocked the bill, claiming (rightly) that he limited their chances to amend it.

A second part of the pay-for is a modified version of an amendment Senator Rob Portman wanted to offer. In its new iteration, severely disabled workers who receive UI benefits would lose the same amount from their SSDI (Supplemental Security Disability Insurance) benefits.

This too was a pay-for Reid earlier offered — and borrowed from the President’s proposed budget. But it still “uniquely burdens” disabled workers, as Los Angeles Times columnist Michael Hiltzig says.

It also undermines the work incentive in SSDI. And it establishes a terrible precedent of raiding Social Security to fund other benefits programs, as the Consortium for Citizens with Disabilities warned several months ago.

The last part of the pay-for extends customs users fees through 2024. These are charges imposed for certain activities of the U.S. Customs Service, e.g., clearing merchandise for import.

So for better and worse, the Gang of Seven seems to have come round to a pay-for the Democratic majority could accept. But, as I said, it’s paired with some problematic “reforms” to the EUC program.

Politico reports that Reid may take another stab at passing an EUC bill this week. How far he’ll move to pick up the Republican votes he needs remains to be seen.

How far he should move is a daunting question.


Long-Term Jobless Veteran Asks the Million Dollar Question

January 30, 2014

“I’ve served my country, honorable discharge …. I’ve done everything right. College, school, no crime, no record. Pay my taxes. Make sure my daughter went to school … Got her in college.

“And I’m sitting here struggling. I’m now ready to take a street sweeper job if they would offer it to me. So I’m asking you the million dollar question. What am I supposed to do right now to keep a roof over my head, food in my stomach, clothes on my back, car insurance paid?”

The desperate woman whom I’m quoting was addressing a spokesperson for Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell.

She was part of a group of advocates and jobless workers who were delivering petitions, representing some half million signatures, urging the top Republican leaders in both the House and Senate to let Congress members vote on a bill to renew Emergency Unemployment Compensation.

McConnell’s spokesperson says to her, “I can only tell you what we do here in the Senate. I have no control over your life.”

But his boss sure does. If he hadn’t locked horns with Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, a bill renewing EUC would now be awaiting an uncertain future in the House.

As things stand, more than 1.6 million long-term jobless workers and their families may have no source of cash income. Nearly 72,000 more are likely to lose their benefits by the end of this week. And no one, to my knowledge, is predicting an end to the stalemate.

Majority Leader Reid offered the Republicans two options. The first, which had earlier gotten enough Republican votes to open debate, would have renewed EUC for three months, back-dated to when they expired.

Costs for this version — about $6.4 million over 10 years* (less than 0.014% of the federal budget) — were not offset.

Well, Republicans insisted on an offset. The second version, which would have renewed EUC through November, provided one — and cut back on the number of weeks the program would cover.

Republicans didn’t like this bill either. They wanted to propose other offsets in the form of amendments, but only for the three-month, stopgap bill.

Reid limited the number of amendments they could offer — presumably so they couldn’t tie up the process indefinitely.

He also insisted that any amendment would have to pass with 60 votes. McConnell understandably objected because 15 Democrats would have had to vote in favor, assuming all Republicans did.

So Republicans wouldn’t provide the votes needed to move forward on either bill.

It’s hard to know whether they’re sincerely trying to get a bill they could vote for or, as Washington Post blogger Greg Sargent has suggested, reframing the debate as an issue of fiscal responsibility so as to mask their party’s ideological hostility to any EUC renewal.

What’s not hard to know is that some of the amendments they’d proposed seem like what are commonly called poison pills, i.e., amendments deliberately designed to repel a bill’s supporters. More about these in a separate post.

Arthur Delaney at Huffington Post reports that Senator Jack Reed, who’s been leading the charge for EUC renewal, has been talking with “a handful of Republicans” about a pay-for “that would make them happy.”

They may strike a deal, but like as not, it will be for three months — until the end of March, assuming it’s retroactive. The Republican majority probably won’t like it. Some Democrats may not either, considering what would make some in that handful happy.

So will we have another kerfuffle over amendments? And if not, what are the prospects in the House, when Speaker John Boehner has put additional conditions on a renewal?

I can’t help feeling that the desperate woman and all the other jobless workers who’ve got the same million dollar question are pawns in a partisan strategy that has little or nothing to do with fiscal responsibility.

* The Congressional Budget Office conventionally projects costs over a 10-year period and takes account of any expected revenue increases that a measure like this would produce. The estimate thus does not mean that the federal government would continue to incur costs. It does, however, reflect some out-year revenue increases.


Senate Votes to Debate Long-Term Unemployment Benefits, But Renewal Far From Certain

January 8, 2014

I spent part of last Thursday participating in a Twitter blast at Republican Senators whom lead advocates had targeted as potential votes in favor of reviving the recently-expired Emergency Unemployment Compensation program.

For those unfamiliar with this tactic, it involves recruiting as many Twitter users as possible to send messages within a brief period of time. Everyone who follows them sees the messages and can join in by simply clicking the retweet link at the bottom.

Our blast targeted 14 Senators. We had sample tweets we could adapt, including the number of jobless workers in the state they represent who’d just lost their benefits.

Some of those Senators just voted to begin debate on a bill to renew the long-term unemployment benefits. Without their votes, the bill would have languished — perhaps indefinitely.

The tweet blast was interesting to me for several reasons.

First, it shows how social media like Twitter have become such an important element in advocacy campaigns. They not only rally supporters and provide a means of sharing information. They are themselves a way of communicating messages to policymakers.

I know this is obvious, but it’s really quite new. Back in the day, as my husband says, the closest advocates could get to a Twitter blast was mass fax messaging.

When I worked on Capitol Hill, I collected duplicative messages off the fax machine daily — and dumped them, as instructed. No one could know they’d been sent or received except subscribers to the mass fax services. Well, that was then.

And now Twitter and the like have also become something that many elected officials apparently see as advantageous to their own campaigns. After all, we couldn’t blast at the Senators if they didn’t have Twitter accounts.

Second, the blast shows how much so many have invested in preserving EUC. I recall few, if any campaigns pursued so energetically and with as much coordination among so many and diverse organizations.

The blast was just one small piece of a campaign that has included, among other things, polls (see here and here), online petitions, outreach to local media, link-ups to jobless workers they could talk to, op-eds, a wicked TV ad, several toll-free numbers to Congressional offices and a plethora of action alerts to generate e-mails and/or calls.

And we couldn’t have blasted the Senators with tweets that spoke directly to what the end of EUC has meant for their constituents if the U.S. Department of Labor hadn’t earlier produced state-by-state estimates of the number of jobless workers who’d immediately lose their benefits.

These perhaps because Democrats on the House Ways and Means Committee asked for them. Washington Post blogger Greg Sargent reported that they were also compiling county-by-county figures, some of which I’ve seen in the press.

In short, each Senator was on notice of what his/her vote would mean back home — and at the risk of cynicism, how a vote against renewal could be messaged there.

Well, the Senate voted yesterday — not to renew EUC, but to debate the proposed short-term extension. The motion squeaked through with just the 60 votes needed — all Democrats present, the two Independents and six Republicans.

But the Republicans won’t necessarily vote to renew the EUC program. They still insist that the cost of any renewal be offset — and only by spending cuts, The New York Times reports.

Democrats worry that these would offset the economic boost that EUC benefits deliver — the equivalent of 240,000 jobs, assuming a year-long extension.

And it’s hard to know whether an offset would satisfy. Senator Susan Collins, who’s tried to broker a deal, reportedly wants to condition receipt of the longest-term unemployment benefits on enrollment in a job training program.

Without these changes, Republicans may block a vote on the EUC bill itself.

Over on the House side, Speaker John Boehner has again let it be known that he’d consider a renewal if it’s paid for and paired with “other efforts that will help get our economy moving again.”

Specifics from two of his colleagues include eliminating “back-breaking, job-breaking regulations,” approval of the Keystone pipeline and tax policy changes.

Not a recipe for a swift renewal — or any perhaps.

But one never knows about these things. What we do know is that many of the 1.3 million or so jobless workers and their families who’ve lost their benefits could be in dire straits. And even a bill that restores those benefits won’t undo the damage, though it would stave off more.

As Labor Secretary Thomas Perez said, many have gone “from a position of hardship” to a “catastrophe.” You can’t retroactively feed a child or reverse an eviction for unpaid rent.

No one in Congress can claim ignorance of this — or of the catastrophes the big numbers represent.

On the one hand, I’m enormously impressed by the strategies, coordination and sheer size of the renewal campaign — most impressed perhaps by its success in getting stories of struggling workers into the news.

On the other hand, I’m depressed that the human suffering just doesn’t seem to matter — at least, not enough to enough Republicans in Congress.

We should have had a year-long EUC extension before they went home for the holidays. As it is, they seemingly won’t go for a swift, simple three-month renewal to tide their long-term jobless constituents over during the back-and-forth on a longer-term deal.

Ah well, it’s not over. I’m inclined to think that Republican leaders will decide that leaving so many jobless workers and their families in the lurch is bad for the brand.

But meanwhile catastrophes loom — approximately 72,000 more every week.


Unemployment Benefits Battle Lost, But Not the War

December 27, 2013

The Emergency Unemployment Compensation program ends tomorrow, making for a very unhappy New Year for about 1.3 million jobless workers.

These are workers who qualify for unemployment insurance, but have been jobless longer than their regular state UI programs cover. Over the course of the year, an additional 3.5 million will be left in the lurch unless Congress belatedly renews the program.

And it’s going to be even harder for them to find work precisely because they won’t have nearly as much money to spend. Not that EUC benefits are generous, mind you — on average, only $289 a week now.

But without the spending they enable, the economy will have 240,000 fewer jobs, according to the U.S. Department of Labor and the President’s Council of Economic Advisers. The Economic Policy Institute puts the loss at 310,000 jobs.

The DOL/White House experts have produced estimates of the number of jobless workers affected for each state and the District of Columbia and also for job that would be saved.

So we learn that 18,200 jobless workers in the District will need and not have EUC benefits in the upcoming year. And there will be 993 fewer jobs than there would be if Congress passed an extension.

Not a happy prospect for a city where last month’s unemployment rate was 8.6% — and more than twice as high in Ward 8, which was in deep troubles long before the recession began.

The White House and Democrats in Congress will try again to get the EUC program extended. Republicans, at this point, don’t seem interested, though the National Journal cites a few exceptions, all but one of them hedged.

For some, there’s an ideological aversion to safety net programs — except perhaps those that are highly targeted and very short term.

Thus we have Senator Rand Paul explaining that extending EUC would be “a disservice” to jobless workers because “when you allow people to be on unemployment insurance for 99 weeks [as is no longer possible], you’re causing them to become part of this perpetual unemployed group in our economy.”

The larger sticking point, however, is the cost of the extension, estimated by the Congressional Budget Office at $25.2 billion, once the revenue boost is factored in.

House Speaker John Boehner has said he’ll consider an EUC extension plan “as long as it is paid for and … there are other efforts that will help get our economy going once again.” What those might be we’re left to guess.

Over on the Senate side, Majority Leader Harry Reid says he’ll try to get a vote on an extension bill on January 6 or 7. This would be a stopgap, three-month measure, without a pay-for. The Democrats claim, as they have in the past, that no offset is needed because the bill is emergency legislation, which, by definition, requires no offset.

Needless to say, getting enough Republicans to allow a substantive vote on the bill won’t be easy. Finding an offset may not be either, now that the budget deal has tapped some of the likely sources — or rather, finding an offset that Republicans will accept.

Americans for Tax Fairness notes that Congress could pay for the extension — and have lots of money left over — by closing just one corporate tax loophole.

But where there’s a will, there’s a way. And in this case, the will depends on what members of Congress are experiencing now that they’re home. Jobless workers in their faces. Stories on the evening news. Op-eds in hometown newspapers. Etc.

We need a big push now. And it’s a comfort to know that advocacy organizations are working hard on this.


Another Anxious Holiday Season for Jobless Workers

November 21, 2013

The holiday shopping season is upon us, early as it is. But I doubt many jobless workers and their families will be stuffing their shopping bags with wished-for gifts.

Only about 3.9 million of the workers are receiving unemployment insurance benefits, though 11.3 million of them were actively looking for jobs and so counted among the unemployed last month.

And a third of the more fortunate will lose their benefits just three days after Christmas unless Congress renews the Emergency Unemployment Compensation program, the National Employment Law Project warns.

An additional 850,000 or so workers will exhaust their regular state UI benefits by the end of March and have no EUC to turn to. The number could swell to 4.8 million by the end of 2014, says the top economist at the White House.

If past is prologue, nearly half the workers who receive state UI benefits will still be jobless when they come to end of the weeks their state’s program covers — 26 in most states, but considerably fewer in some.

The benefits are far from generous — on average, $269 a week. But UI benefits generally were enough to keep 2.4 million people out of poverty last year, before sequestration took a bite out of EUC.

Forecasters for the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia expect the rate next year to average out at 7.1%. Today, it’s 8% or higher in 16 states and the District of Columbia. So it’s hardly time to pull the plug.

More importantly, as the Economic Policy Institute argues, the job market is scarcely better than it was a year ago, when you look at the number of job openings in light of the number of job seekers.

The unemployment rate is lower mainly because people have given up looking or decided not to start because the odds of finding a job are about one in three.

Some of the nearly 6.1 million “missing workers,” i.e. those who’d be employed or looking if the labor market were healthy, may be getting education or training credentials that will improve their unemployment prospects.

But, as the Urban Institute says, other stay-outs and drop-outs, especially those who are older, may have a hard time getting work even when there’s more available. A harder time, of course, if there isn’t.

EPI figures that extending the EUC program would create and/or preserve an estimated 310,000 jobs because long-term jobless workers, most of whom are “cash-strapped,” will spend their money on basic necessities.

The money that would flow to local businesses would support not only jobs there, but in the businesses that serve and supply them. So we’d have their workers paying taxes — and more tax revenues from the businesses too.

A large portion of the cost of extending the EUC program would thus be offset by the revenues, plus some savings in other safety net programs.

Contrariwise, failure to extend it would put a damper on our already anemic economic growth and (horrors!) perhaps slow the decline in the short-term deficit.

And all to save an effective $11.1 billion — 0.3% of next year’s federal budget, according to the nifty calculator the Center for Economic and Policy Research provides.

Democrats in Congress reportedly hope to fold an EUC extension into the deal that’s currently being negotiated to prevent another government shutdown, while also replacing — or at least, easing — the cuts forced by sequestration.

House Republicans apparently want no such thing — or so a highly inflammatory post on the Ways and Means Committee site indicates.

Politico, however, reports that Republicans on the budget conference committee “would consider” adding an EUC extension “as a bargaining chip.” Also that the chances of a bipartisan deal are maybe a bit better than 50-50.

So we could be looking at another of those last-minute kick-the-can-down-the-road deals. What that would mean for the EUC program is a question mark.

But, as George Zornick at The Nation observes, “many past renewals have happened during crisis standoffs.” The next, should it materialize, would come to a head in mid-January.

It would be ever so much better for all concerned if Congress delivered balanced relief from sequestration — and relief for long-term jobless workers — well before Christmas.


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