Will You Take a Look At Once More Right Here Frequently?

August 26, 2013

Time was when virtually all spam comments on my blog were automatically filtered out. The relative few that slipped through were obvious product-promotion messages.

No longer. For some months now, I’ve been getting comments that praise the blog and/or ask how to start one. Momentarily gratifying, but then I see that the name in the commenter line links to a marketing site.

Some of these “comments” read as if the writer isn’t fluent in English. This is also true for many comments that have no discernible relation to the blog — let alone the post they’re attached to.

So I got curious. Turns out the spammers are using thesaurus programs so that the messages they blast out aren’t identical. This lets them get through spam filters.

So the links sit on a lot of web pages, which gives them a bump in Google rankings. Bigger bump, I understand, if they’ posted on pages with popular keywords, i.e., search terms that will tend to increase the number of page views.

But, as everyone knows, words a thesaurus gives as synonyms aren’t all interchangeable.

Hence messages that read like very bad translations — often so bad I can’t back into what the thesaurus program started with. Yes, this is something I waste a bit of time on.

Well, you won’t find these comments on my blog because I blow them away. But I’m going to share a few for your amusement — all unedited, except for length.

“I will bookmark your weblog and take a look at once more right here frequently. I am somewhat sure I’ll be told many new stuff proper right here!”

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“… Shame on the seek engines for now not positioning this post upper!”

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“hello! I love your writing very so much! share we communicate more approximately your article on AOL? … Taking a look ahead to see you.”

“Unquestionable just like your site however you must check the transliteration about a lot of your site content. Some of them are filled with punctuational concerns and that I believe it is very bothersome to see the truth alternatively I will certainly give back once again.”

“I actually adored one’s own running niche site and consequently views … Gives thanks in support of placing this approach so i think about investigate several other from you finding out going forward … I’m sorry for my words. it is don’t my personal natural words, believe you can easily realize.” Yes, I do!

And my all-time favorite: “When someone searches for his vital thing, therefore he/she wishes to be available that in detail, therefore that thing is maintained over here.”

Now back to serious stuff.


In Defense of Unwed Dads

June 14, 2013

Nearly 41% of children are born to unwed mothers. Most of the research has focused on them and their moms, especially those at the bottom of the income scale.

But, of course, for every unwed mother there’s a dad — not necessarily unmarried, mind you.

In most cases, however, it seems he is. According to several studies, about half of unmarried parents were living together when their children were born.

But they often break up. And when that happens, a high percent of fathers disengage, as Robert Lehrman reports in a broad review of the “capabilities and contributions” of unwed fathers.

One study he cites found that by the time their kids were five, nearly half the dads hadn’t seen them for a month. Thirty-seven percent had had no contact with them for two years.

This would seem to feed some well-worn stereotypes — fathers who shrug off responsibilities for their children, including child support. The infamous “deadbeat dads.”

A new book by sociologists Kathryn Edin and Timothy Nelson challenges the stereotypes, as its title indicates — Doing the Best I Can.

The book is the product of seven years of research in Camden, New Jersey and low-income Philadelphia neighborhoods — much of it in-depth interviews with unwed fathers.

The pre-history, as the introduction indicates, has a strongly racial flavor.

In public discourse, we can trace it back to 1965, when Daniel Patrick Moynihan identified out-of-wedlock births as a symptom of the breakdown of the Negro family.

Or since his work was swiftly marginalized, to the mid-1980s, when Bill Moyers hosted a special CBS report on “The Vanishing Family: A Crisis in Black America.”

What’s happened since is that unwed fatherhood has become more of a class phenomenon, Edin says.

Different studies provide somewhat different figures — none that I’ve found very current because they all rely on an ongoing study of a group of children born in big cities between 1998 and 2000.

According to these “fragile families” data, a majority of unwed fathers are racial or ethnic minorities, with black, non-Hispanics accounting for 46%.

But other research clearly indicates that race/ethnicity itself isn’t the key factor. The biggest difference between unwed fathers and fathers married to the mothers of their newborns is income.

In 2005, the former earned, on average, only $15,465 at the time their children were born — about $18,100 less than new, married fathers.

More than half of the “fragile families” dads who were still living with the mothers by the time their children were five earned less than $15,000.

The main explanation for these very low earnings is lack of the formal education credentials that are increasingly the passport to living wage jobs.

In the same fragile families sample cited above, 81.6% of the unwed dads had, at most, a high school diploma or GED. More than 45% of them had less. A mere 2.2% had a college degree.

Most low-income mothers understandably want a husband who’s a reliable breadwinner. It’s their top priority, Edin found in an earlier interview-based study.

And both they and their low-income partners apparently share the growing view that marriage should await financial stability — at something like a middle-class level, it seems, since they speak of a home, a car, a wedding we can assume isn’t at the courthouse.

This helps explain why only a fraction of unwed parents in the fragile families sample view childbirth as a signal to marry, even though 82% of them were living together or otherwise “romantically involved” at the time their children were born.

Also why the fathers tend to disengage over time — not always willingly, however. A fair number, the Edin-Melson team found, were pushed away when the moms found a better-off partner.

Perhaps the most important thing the team found, however, is that the unwed dads welcome fatherhood. They want a relationship with their child.

They have what Edin calls a “father thirst” — and among blacks especially, a determination to do a better job of fathering than their own dads did.

So the unwed dads aren’t, by and large, men “who impregnate women and selfishly flee,” as arch-conservative William Bennett fulminated.

Nor are they reflecting a biological propensity to “hit and run” sexuality, as family values champion David Blankenhorn claimed.

“They want to be nurturers,” Edin says. But our public policies treat them as “paychecks and not as parents,” i.e. focus only on ensuring they pay child support.

Even when they can’t — because they’re in jail, for example, and likely to return because they can’t pay the accumulated debt.

Even when — or perhaps especially when — the money is used to reimburse federal and state welfare payments, rather than to provide poor mothers with some additional funds for their children’s needs.

We have publicly-funded “responsible fatherhood” programs — and have had for some time.

Seems to me we’d do better to recognize that unwed dads want to be responsible and do what we can to make that possible.


House Republican Group Targets Benefits for Severely Disabled

October 11, 2012

Seems that SSI (Supplemental Security Income) has become the latest candidate for block granting — and safety net slashing.

Under the latest House Republican Study Committee plan, SSI funding would be capped at about 31% less than last year’s spending level and “returned” to the states.

They’d have to use their own revenue if they wanted to sustain the relatively small cash benefits SSI provides. Or they could manage with what they’d get by cutting those benefits and/or tightening the already tight eligibility standards.

We need only look at the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program to know which choice they’d make.

The RSC trots out the usual rhetoric about inordinate caseload growth — in this case, especially the part of the caseload consisting of children with mental, behavioral and/or learning disorders.

Cites discredited allegations by the Boston Globe, which took out after SSI for children two years ago in a series tellingly entitled “the other welfare.”

Ah yes, another instance of fostering dependency. More low-income parents gaming the system. Etc.

What seems to have gotten the Globe going — and subsequently the RSC — is the high percent of children on SSI who have mental, rather than physical disabilities.

There’s nothing new about this, as the Bazelon Center for Mental Health reports. The percent has been about the same for more than 10 years.

What has changed is how the disabilities are classified. There are indeed higher percentages of children who receive SSI benefits due to conditions like attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, autism and language-related developmental delays.

At the same time, a much smaller percentage of children in the program are classified as intellectually disabled — or, in earlier days, mentally retarded.

This apparent shift in the caseload obviously reflects progress in medical research and clinical practice.

Children who were once all lumped together — and viewed as minimally trainable, but not treatable — are now diagnosed differentially. Related advances have produced an array of treatment options that can be individually tailored.

It’s important to note, however, that far from all children with mental disabilities can qualify for SSI benefits.

Only those who meet a stringent test for severe disability can — and then only if their family income and other countable resources, e.g., money in the bank, both fall below set maximums.

If House Republicans want a real explanation for the reason more children now receive SSI, they should look to the large increase in the number of children whose families are poor enough to fall below the official poverty threshold.

As I’ve said before, SSI benefits can partially offset the extra costs parents incur when they’re raising a disabled child. But the estimated average costs exceed even the maximum SSI benefit.

Not surprisingly then, 62% of families with one child who receives SSI benefits experience at least one material hardship, e.g., severe food insecurity, inability to pay rent and/or utility bills.

The hardship rate rises to 74% for families with two or more children in SSI.

SSI reflects a major positive shift in our society’s approach to severely disabled people, including children.

Many used to be shunted off the institutions, which was not only harmful for them, but costly for state governments, as a new brief for the Center for American Progress notes.

Then states began shifting from institutionalization to family-centered and community-based care — some considerably faster than others.

SSI replaced an uneven patchwork of benefits administered by states and partly funded by them to support this shift. Rather like the welfare “reform” that gave us TANF in reverse.

The support clearly isn’t strong enough — at least for many families with severely disabled children to care for.

It’s still the case, however, that the likelihood of a family’s income falling below the federal poverty line drops by nearly 11% once their child is enrolled in SSI.

You’d think the family values folks would cotton to a program that helps parents care for their children — and empowers them to decide how best to do that.

But the prospect of more radical cost-cutting — except, of course, for defense — apparently trumps everything else.


Three Of My Favorite Online Tools

December 5, 2011

The internet has brought us many things. Opportunities to post photos that will live on to embarrass us till Facebook is history. Spam. Why do I keep getting ALL CAPS offers to maximize my erections?

But advocacy today is altogether different — and more effective — because organizations have picked up on how the ‘net can give us new ways of learning and communicating.

Among the developments I’m excited about — and grateful for — are online tools that let you mine and combine vast bodies of government data, looking at them through lenses you choose.

Here are three I’ve been using. Do you know of others you’d recommend?

FRAC National & State Program Database. This tool gives us access to the Food Research and Action Center’s current and historical data.

As you might expect, it provides data on participation in and spending for major federal nutrition assistance programs, both nationwide and by state.*

For perspective, it also includes some basic poverty and food insecurity data, plus some data on “economic security policies,” e.g., participation and cash benefits in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program.

You can choose a state and up to three years’ worth of data going back to 2005. You then get an online table of all FRAC’s data in all categories. You can print it out, but not download it.

CLASP DataFinder. This tool provides a range of multi-year demographic, spending and program information, e.g., enrollments for major cities, states and the U.S. as a whole. Which type of information you get depends on the category.

For states, there are 11 categories. For cities, there are six. They focus principally on issues that affect low-income individuals and families, with a heavy emphasis on children.

When you pick a category, you generally get a subset of variables you can choose — often lots of them. You can pick variables from one category or combine.

A button pops up a table reflecting your choices. You can download it as an Excel spreadsheet or print it.

Or you can go to the original data sources because the tables include cites, with links. I really like this feature!

National Priorities Project Federal Priorities Database. This tool covers a broader range of issues than the others. It’s also the most flexible — and so the most complex to use. Happily, there’s an online step-by-step guide to get you started.

Data are available in eight major categories. For each category, there are indicators, e.g., participation rates, demographics. Also program-level expenditures.

You can choose up to five variables at any one time — indicators, expenditures or a combination and from one category or a mix.

The variables you’ve chosen are presented in interactive maps. Mouse over the state you’re interested in and you get a little pop-up box. You switch from one variable to another rather than getting all the data in one map.

Click on a state and you get a county map, with the same variable broken out.

Map pages also provide brief explanations of the variables and, as with the CLASP tool, links to the sources.

For expenditure variables, you can get figures adjusted to account for inflation. So if the latest expenditure is for Fiscal Year 2010, you can find out what it would mean today.

You can switch from a map to a table format. Tables provide data for all states and for previous years as well as the most current. Some go back as far as 1999.

The tables are downloadable in several formats. And if you’re working on a website or a blog, you can embed a map in your page.

Talk about bells and whistles!

* For all the tools discussed here, the District of Columbia is included as if it were a state.


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